Senate Majority Leader John Thune is shaking up Washington’s stagnant confirmation process with a bold proposal.
The South Dakota Republican suggested bypassing Senate gridlock by using recess appointments to install 161 of President Trump’s nominees. It’s a move that could ignite a firestorm among Democrats and even some GOP holdouts.
The New York Post reported that Thune’s plan comes as the Senate has confirmed only 115 of Trump’s appointees, leaving a backlog that threatens to hamstring the administration.
With 161 nominees still in limbo, Thune’s push for recess appointments aims to cut through the Senate’s bureaucratic quagmire. The tactic allows the president to unilaterally appoint officials when Congress is out of session, a power not used by Trump or Biden in their prior terms.
“I think everything is on the table,” Thune told reporters, signaling his frustration with the Senate’s sluggish pace. His words carry weight, but they also reveal a GOP ready to flex its muscle after years of Democratic obstruction. Yet, the plan isn’t a slam dunk—recess appointments need 50 Republican votes, and a few senators are already balking.
Senator Mike Lee of Utah called for scrapping the August recess to plow through confirmations. His urgency underscores the GOP’s determination to deliver for Trump, but canceling vacation plans won’t sit well with every senator. Lee’s idea, while practical, lacks the punch of Thune’s recess gambit.
Recess appointments, though, hinge on both chambers agreeing to adjourn, a hurdle given House Speaker Mike Johnson’s role in approving it.
Without a full recess, “pro forma” sessions—brief, symbolic meetings—can block the maneuver. Johnson’s buy-in is critical, but he’s stayed mum, leaving Thune’s plan in a precarious spot.
A handful of Republican senators openly oppose recess appointments, wary of bypassing traditional Senate oversight. Their dissent could derail Thune’s strategy, especially with the GOP’s slim 53-47 majority. These holdouts risk alienating Trump’s base, who see delays as sabotage of the MAGA agenda.
Democrats, led by Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, have resisted streamlining confirmations, rejecting simple voice votes.
Thune noted, “Schumer, he’s got folks over there who keep approaching members on our side about wanting to make a deal on noms, but he’s not having it.” Schumer’s stonewalling exposes a party more interested in power plays than governance.
Voice votes, a bipartisan norm since the 1990s, have been weaponized by Democrats to slow Trump’s nominees. Thune lamented, “Going back multiple administrations, both Democrats and Republicans, as recently as Bill Clinton, 98% of all the noms considered were handled either by voice or UC, and it’s just deteriorated.”
The hypocrisy stings—Obama, Bush, and Clinton all leaned on recess appointments without such outcry. Thune’s negotiations with Schumer include Democratic slots on key agencies like the Federal Trade Commission, which remain vacant.
These talks could unlock progress, but Schumer’s intransigence suggests he’s betting on delay to weaken Trump’s momentum. It’s a risky move that could backfire if Republicans rally behind Thune’s plan.
Republicans are floating other fixes, like scrapping the cloture vote or slashing debate time to two hours. Voting on nominees in blocks after committee approval is another idea gaining steam. These reforms would gut the Senate’s archaic rules, which Democrats exploit to stall Trump’s team.
“This is not sustainable, and it certainly hamstrings, I think, the functioning of our government in a way that’s detrimental to the country,” Thune claimed.
His diagnosis is spot-on—endless filibusters and procedural games hurt Americans more than they hurt Trump. The Senate’s dysfunction demands a shake-up, and Thune’s ready to deliver.
Thune also sees potential in deal-making, eyeing the Southern District of New York U.S. attorney post, currently held by acting appointee Jay Clayton.
“They want him as US attorney for the Southern District—I’d figure out a way to make a deal,” Thune said. His willingness to barter shows a pragmatism that could outmaneuver Schumer’s obstruction.
Recess appointments aren’t new—Clinton, Bush, and Obama each made dozens, often to Republican chagrin. Trump’s restraint in his first term, avoiding the tactic entirely, makes Thune’s proposal a departure from recent GOP strategy. It’s a calculated risk to reclaim executive authority in a polarized Senate.
Clayton, who led the Securities and Exchange Commission under Trump, symbolizes the kind of experienced nominee caught in the Senate’s crosshairs. His acting role in New York highlights the urgency of filling permanent posts. Thune’s push could ensure talents like Clayton aren’t sidelined by partisan gridlock.
