President Donald Trump’s sweeping legislative dream teetered on a knife’s edge after barely surviving the House. House Republicans, led by Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., pushed the massive bill, packed with tax, immigration, energy, defense, and debt policies, through by a single vote in May.
Fox News reported that in May, the House passed Trump’s “big, beautiful bill” with the slimmest of margins, a testament to GOP unity and fragility. The Senate, under Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., now faces the same tightrope, with only three votes to spare. It’s a high-stakes game where every senator’s whim counts.
The bill’s ambition is as bold as Trump’s rhetoric, aiming to cement his first-term tax cuts forever. Yet, its $1.5 trillion in spending cuts over a decade has some Senate Republicans itching for more.
The Joint Committee on Taxation warns that the tax provisions could balloon the deficit by $4 trillion, a figure that’s hard to ignore.
Trump, ever the showman, touted the bill’s tax cuts at an Oval Office press conference, warning of a “68% tax increase” if it fails.
That’s a scary number, but it’s also a classic Trumpian flourish—fear as motivation. The Senate, however, isn’t buying the hype without serious tweaks.
Senate Republicans, meeting after a March policy luncheon at the Capitol, are already sharpening their knives. Some, like Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis., demand spending cuts closer to $6 trillion, aiming for pre-pandemic levels. It’s a noble goal, but good luck selling that to moderates.
Johnson, speaking in Wisconsin on May 21, doubled down, saying, “We have to stop mortgaging our children’s future.” His passion for fiscal restraint is admirable, but his math might not survive the Senate’s reality.
The House’s $700 billion Medicaid cut, per the Congressional Budget Office, is a lightning rod. Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo.., called slashing benefits “morally wrong and politically suicidal” in a New York Times op-ed last April. He’s not wrong—voters don’t reward gutting healthcare.
Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, echoed Hawley, warning against cuts that hurt rural hospitals. “I cannot support proposals that would create more duress,” she said. Her stance reflects a pragmatism that could derail the bill’s more aggressive reforms.
Meanwhile, Sen. Roger Marshall, R-Kan.., wants to spread the pain, suggesting, “Take a little bit from a lot of places.” It’s a sensible idea—trimming fat without butchering essentials—but the devil’s in the details. Nobody agrees on what’s “essential.”
The bill’s tax provisions, including a hike in the state and local tax deduction cap, were a sop to moderate House Republicans.
Senate Republicans, however, are skeptical, with some eyeing a rollback. Turns out, appeasing blue-state GOPers doesn’t play well in red-state caucuses.
Green energy tax credits, another House compromise, face Senate pushback. Some senators want them phased out faster, signaling a rejection of progressive climate policies. It’s a reminder: The GOP isn’t here to fund woke experiments.
Thune, navigating this minefield, called the moment “unique” for controlling spending, speaking after the March luncheon. His optimism is inspiring, but with such slim margins, he’s herding cats with a feather. Unity is easier preached than practiced.
Trump’s press conference framed the bill as a promise kept, saying, “It’s going to be negotiated, but the result is it extends the Trump tax cuts.” Negotiation, though, means compromise, and the Senate’s changes could dilute his vision.
