President Donald Trump just axed union contracts for thousands of federal workers, citing national security. His bold move, rooted in a March executive order, sidesteps standard federal employee rules by expanding the national security exemption. It’s a jab at public-sector unions, reigniting a century-long tug-of-war over their influence.
Fox News reported that Trump’s decision cancels union agreements for workers in agencies like the Department of Veterans Affairs, leaning on a national security clause.
This echoes a debate stretching back over 100 years, where presidents have wrestled with the power of government employee unions. Courts will now decide if Trump’s exemptions hold water.
In 1902, Theodore Roosevelt banned federal workers and postal employees from lobbying Congress. His order aimed to curb undue influence but was overturned by the 1912 Lloyd-La Follette Act. That law, however, didn’t spark widespread unionism, leaving the issue simmering.
William Howard Taft, in 1909, barred military members from lobbying via Executive Order 1142. Congress later reversed both Roosevelt’s and Taft’s orders, showing early resistance to restricting federal workers’ rights. Still, public-sector unionism remained a tough sell for decades.
In 1919, Massachusetts Gov. Calvin Coolidge fired striking Boston police officers, declaring, “There is no right to strike against the public safety.”
His hardline stance catapulted him to national fame, landing him as Warren Harding’s vice presidential pick in 1920. Coolidge’s victory over James Cox and Franklin Roosevelt marked a win for anti-union sentiment.
By 1932, Franklin Roosevelt, now president, opposed public-sector unions, arguing that collective bargaining didn’t fit government work.
“The process of collective bargaining… cannot be transplanted into the public service,” he said in 1937. His stance shaped the 1935 Wagner Act, which boosted private-sector unions but explicitly excluded government employees.
The 1939 Hatch Act curbed political activity by federal workers, spurred by concerns over Roosevelt’s Works Progress Administration. This law aimed to keep government employees from wielding undue political clout. It set a precedent for limiting union influence in public service.
In 1962, John F. Kennedy’s Executive Order 10988 allowed federal employees to form unions but stopped short of full collective bargaining.
He exempted the FBI and CIA, citing national security, and banned strikes or anti-government advocacy. Kennedy’s cautious approach showed the delicate balance of union rights and public safety.
Jimmy Carter’s 1978 Civil Service Reform Act granted most federal workers union rights, though it kept a national security exemption. Carter also created the Department of Education, a move cheered by teachers’ unions. Yet, his reforms didn’t fully resolve tensions over union power.
In 1981, Ronald Reagan fired 11,345 air traffic controllers for striking illegally, stating, “Government cannot close down the assembly line.” His action, emphasizing that federal workers can’t strike, eliminated strikes—no federal worker strikes have occurred since. Reagan’s resolve sent a clear message: public safety trumps union demands.
“We cannot compare labor-management relations in the private sector with government,” Reagan said in 1981. His words underscored a key conservative principle: government work demands unique accountability. Public-sector unions, unchecked, risk prioritizing their agendas over taxpayers’ needs.
In 1975, union leader Victor Gotbaum boasted, “We have the power… to elect our own boss.” His claim, made as head of New York’s AFSCME, highlights why conservatives distrust public-sector unions. Such influence can tilt elections, skewing the democratic process.
The 1988 Communications Workers v. Beck decision let workers opt out of union dues for political activities. George H.W. Bush, in 1992, reinforced this with an executive order, saying it would protect workers’ livelihoods from forced political contributions. Bill Clinton later revoked this order, showing the seesaw battle over union rights.
George W. Bush reinstated Beck rights and tried to exempt Department of Homeland Security workers from unions post-9/11, though courts scaled back his efforts. Teachers’ unions, meanwhile, have flexed their muscle, donating nearly $50 million to progressive groups since 2022. Philip Howard, in 2023, called public-sector union power “the main story of public failure in America.”
Trump’s latest move builds on this history, targeting agencies tied to national security with broader exemptions. Courts will now weigh in, deciding if his actions overstep legal bounds. The fight over public-sector unions, from Roosevelt to Reagan to Trump, shows no sign of fading.
